Practice Foundations Of Nkrumahism

Kwame Nkrumah: “THE EVALUATION OF ONE’S SOCIAL CIRCUMSTANCES IS PART OF THE ANALYSIS OF FACTS AND EVENTS; AND THIS KIND OF EVALUATION IS AS GOOD AS A STRONG POINT OF INQUIRING INTO THE RELATIONS BETWEEN PHILOSOPHY AND SOCIETY. PHILOSOPHY CALLS FOR ANALYSIS OF FACTS AND EVENTS, AND AN ATTEMPT TO SEE HOW THEY FIT INTO HUMAN EXPERIENCE.”

Prof. Dompere’s academic works on Nkrumah, his scientific thinking, and Nkrumahism have sufficiently dealt with the mathematical, scientific, and philosophic components of Africa’s cognitive and cultural-intellectual emancipation in methodological detail. His next big project will deal with another essential aspect of Nkrumahism, of the nature of Africa’s socio-economic emancipation. This methodological investigation will cover two major processes from de-colonization and independence to another major process, socio-economic emancipation. Obviously “independence” and “emancipation” are not the same concepts. They differ in terms of political economy and philosophy and political practice, and the contrast is certainly very much nuanced and subtle. There is also the tendency to throw the word “freedom” about as though its existence is free from, or not subject to, the hegemony of superstition, poverty, ignorance, illiteracy, inferiority complex, religious fundamentalism and religiosity, cognitive imbecility, uncritical thinking, and the like. These problems are antithetical to Nkrumahism!

Nkrumah made this observation decades ago: “It is said, of course that we have no capital, no industrial skills, no communications, no internal markets, and that we cannot even agree among ourselves how best to utilize our resources for our own social needs.” This is descriptively diagnostic of the state of neocolonial independence Africa overwhelmingly enjoys today!

Yet much remains to be done for Africa to move away from this paradigm of dependency complex (see also Chapter Four of Frantz Fanon’s “Black Skin, White Masks,” “The So-Called Dependency Complex of Colonized Peoples”; and his other work “The Wretched of the Earth”). However, Nkrumah’s and Fanon’s observations are contradicted by French psychoanalyst Octave Mannoni who wrote in his popular work “Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonization,” that, “Most natives are content to put whites above them and be dependent on them because it fulfills a deep need in their hearts, one that was there long before whites showed up…A few natives are unhappy because they suffer from an inferiority complex, which makes them want to be the equal of whites.”

“One that was there before whites showed up”? What is Mannoni saying aside from the fact that he seems to suggest inferiority complex in the African was a latent paradigm, and in addition to that, that Africans knew in advance the coming of the White Man? It is also as if Mannoni is implying that the advent of the White Man in Africa gave full material expression to his [Black the Man’s] latent inferiority complex! And “a few natives”? What is that supposed to mean since inferiority complex, then and now, has been a social cancer, supposedly of epic proportions, in the average African? Ignorance, it turns out, has the power to afflict the doctor (Mannoni) and his patients, the natives! We see the path of this psycho-political diagnosis, quite interestingly, not too far from the shadowy ideological trajectories of Joseph Kony and his Lord’s Resistance Army and of Danquah and Busia and their National Liberation Movement (NLM).

Furthermore, both Danquah and Kony wanted to impose foreign ideas on the masses through the barrel of the gun in addition to political and psychological terrorism; one the Edmund Burke’s political ideology and the other the Decalogue.

Ironically, both Danquah and Kony share the name “Joseph” though none is comparable to the Joseph from the Mosaic dispensation; and unlike Biblical Joseph, Joseph Danquah and Joseph Kony raped Potiphar’s wife taking away her innocence with them, namely, the popular consciousness of the masses! Criminal authors of subvention like Danquah and Kony have no place in the political economy of nation-building. Pointedly, the political behaviors of Danquah and Kony have a remarkable resemblance to the behavior of colonizing Europeans in Joseph Conrad’s “Heart of Darkness,” whose fictive revisionist narrative on Africa Chinua Achebe’s essay “An Image of Africa: Racism in Conrad’s ‘Heart of Darkness’” and Milton Allimadi’s book “The Heart of Darkness: How White Writers Created the Racist Image of Africa” attempt to deconstruct, like the corrective paradigm Nkrumahism represents. Again we see this antagonism between Rudyard Kipling’s “The White Man’s Burden” and H.T. Johnson’s-E.D. Borel’s “The Black Man’s Burden.”

Evidently, and probably more rightly so, Kony, Danquah, Busia and their kind constituted “The White Man’s Burden” against the creative consciousness of Nkrumahism.

In one sense Nkrumah’s intellect did not have room for the mythical contents of “The White Man’s Burden.” Put simply, Nkrumahism is the creative antithesis of “The White Man’s Burden”!

Apparently also, the contradictions between the two observations, Fanon’s and Nkrumah’s on the one hand and Mannoni’s on the other hand, sets the stage for what Prof. Dompere has already achieved and still intends achieving with his newly-proposed bold project. In that regard, he hopes to explore these questions by working out a new conceptual model or framework in the field of mathematics, otherwise called “qualitative mathematics,” following the approach and philosophic footprint of his previous methodological templates and steadied academic focus.

Nkrumahism is all about resolving internal tensions and contradictions in Africa’s best and strategic interests. For one thing, Nkrumah appointed Danquah as Director of Legal Education in Ghana and also made him [Danquah] a member of the Ghana Arts and Academy of Sciences (see Geoffrey Bing’s “Reap the Whirlwind”); unfortunately selective, social, or historical amnesia has buried this piece of historical generosity from the principle of Nkrumahism. For another, Nkrumah extended invitations to Busia, J.A. Braimah, and others in the Opposition to join his government since many of them [leading members of the Opposition] had been rejected by the masses one way or the other. Busia rejected the invitation. This Nkrumah did in furtherance of his belief in the moral power of inclusive politics, a major characteristic of Nkrumahism.

Thus far, we have also emphasized time and again that science, economics, and mathematics cannot model every aspect of human nature or behavior (see Friedrich A. Hayek’s 1974 “The Pretence of Knowledge” Nobel Lecture; the substance of Hayek’s aggregate observations made all the way back in 1974 still holds true today considering the advances chalked up in the fields of science and mathematical modeling; see also Steve Taylor’s/Jim Metzeler’s multipart articles “The Limits to Mathematical Modeling”).

We should bear in mind that human nature is complex and nonlinear, even chaotic, in the sense that behavioral science (psychology, cognitive science, criminology, psychobiology), computational neuroscience, chaos theory, behavioral economics (neuroeconomics), cognitive psychology, and cognitive modeling have not totally succeeded in telling us all we need to know about the complexity of human nature. It is important that readers take this fact into consideration as they read Prof. Dompere’s body of mathematical and scientific works. Nevertheless, all things considered, Prof. Dompere makes scientific, philosophic, and mathematical sense out of these gridlock of questions on political economy and statecraft, not excluding Nkrumah’s conceptualization of the politics of altruism and self-abnegation, his push for a unitary state and, more importantly, his advocation for a unitary continentalization of strategic and tactical interests in advancing the development and growth of Africa (see also Milton Allimadi’s article “The Choice is Clear: Africa Must Embrace Nkrumah’s Vision and Unite,” Black Star News, May 26, 2013).

In another related context, our private conversations with Prof. Dompere on the state of affairs in Ghana and Africa today directly reflect the solemn messages of Sarkodie’s recently released conscious rap track “The Masses”; of Bob Marley’s “Them Belly Full (But We Are Hungry)” and “Redemption Song”; of postcolonial novels such as Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s “Petals of Blood,” Wole Soyinka’s “Season of Anomy,” and Tsitsi Dangarembga’s “Nervous Condition”; and finally, of Uwen Akpan’s “Say You’re One of Them” and Chimamanda Adichie’s “Half of A Yellow Sun” and Chinua Achebe’s “There Was A Country” and “The Trouble With Nigeria” speak to the many general problems Nkrumah and Prof. Dompere tried to model together with their theoretical and practical solutions! Regrettably, such works and others like them only provide limited diagnostic description of what Ali Mazrui referred to as the “African Condition” without so much as exploring the scientific depths of problems, the human condition so to speak, including such inquests as cause and effect, nature and environment, environmental psychology, and so on.

The issue at hand is not one of science fiction per se, though the genre has a place in technological modernism and civilizational advancement of society, but rather of the actualities of mathematical, scientific, and technological attestation. Thus, Prof. Dompere intends utilizing “qualitative mathematics” in tandem with a host of other methodological strategies to explore concrete and theoretical avenues (and processes) via which Africa’s socio-economic emancipation can be truly actualized, and maintained. Finally as a reminder, let us go over the chapter and subchapter summaries of Prof. Dompere’s other forthcoming work: “THE THEORY OF PHILOSOPHICAL CONSCIENCISM: PRACTICE FOUNDATIONS OF NKRUMAHISM”

NOTE: We remind readers to make good use of Nkrumah’s “Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization” and “Neocolonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism. What is more, like his other academic works, “THE THEORY OF PHILOSOPHICAL CONSCIENCISM” is highly technical, erudite, dense, and methodologically sophisticated; this piece of work is also not meant for the average reader or the “ordinary” PhD holder. It is specifically meant for experts or individuals with technical expertise in the subject matters his texts deal with. Lastly, and more importantly, readers may also want to revert to our sixteen-part series “Dr. Kofi Dompere On Nkrumah’s Scientific Thinking” for a general explanatory background to these chapter and subchapter summaries, where the vigor of advanced mathematical and scientific scrutiny of Nkrumahism is de-emphasized in favor of the rudiments of scientific and mathematical denotation and explication of Nkrumahism.

Here we go again:

CHAPTER 1: THE GENERAL FRAMEWORK OF NKRUMAISM: THE THEORY OF
PHILOSOPHICAL CONCSIENCISM

1.1 Information Requirements, Decision-Choice Process and the Theory of
Philosophical Consciencism
1.2 Imperialism, Neocolonialism, African Emancipation and Categorial Conversion
1.3 Nation-Building, Socioeconomic Polarity and Categorial Conversion
1.4 The General Concept of Philosophical Consciencism
1.5 The Basic Epistemic Foundation of the Theory of Philosophical Consciencism
1.5.1 Ideology, Principles and Programs
1.5.2 The Basic Foundation of Philosophical Consciencism

CHAPTER 2: CATEGORIAL CONVERSION, CULTURE PHILOSOPHICAL CONSCIENCISM AND NKRUMAIST SOCIAL DYNAMICS

2.1 Culture, Categorial Conversion and Philosophical Consciencism
2.2 DNA Reflection on Culture and Categorial Conversions
2.3 Culture, Ideology and Categorial Conversion of Social Polarities
2.4 Nkrumah’s Application of Philosophical Consciencism to
Colonialism-decolonization Polarity
2.4.1 Philosophical Consciencism and the Nature of the African Progress
2.4.2 Negative and Positive Actions in Categorial Conversion under Philosophical
Consciencism

CHAPTER 3: CHARACTERISTIC-BASED ANALYTICS, COUNTRY’S IDENTITY, SOCIAL ACTION AND CATEGORIAL CONVERSION

3.1 National Identity, Sovereignty and the Power System
3.2 The Characteristic Set, Negative Actions and Positive Actions
3.2.1 Social Institutions, Decision-Choice Activities and the Characteristic Set
3.2.2 Political, Legal and Economic Institutions under Sovereignties
3.3 Setting the Positive Action against the Negative Action in Political Polarities under
Philosophical Consciencism
3.3.1 The Nature of Social Positive Action in Social Categorial Conversion
3.3.1.1 The Nature of Social Positive Actions in Social Categorial Conversions
of Social Actual-Potential Polarities
3.3.1.2 The Nature of Social Negative Actions in Social Categorial Conversion
in Social Actual-Potential Polarities under Philosophical Consciencism
3.3.1.3 Comparative Analytics of Social Positive and Negative Actions in Social
Categorial Conversion in Social Actual-Potential Polarities
3.3.2 Social Polarity, Duality, Games, Positive Action and Negative Action

CHAPTER 4: PHILOSOPHICAL CONSCIENCISM AND GAMES IN CATEGORIAL
CONVERSIONS OF SOCIAL POLARITIES

4.1 The People, Positive Action and Negative Action
4.1.1 The People, Social Conscience and Social Action
4.1.2 Philosophical Consciencism and African Personality
4.2 Cultural Analytics and Philosophical Consciencism
4.2.1 The Analytics of the Decision-Choice Action to the Intellectual Pathway
4.2.2 The Relationship between Philosophical Consciencism and Categorial
Conversion
4.3 Philosophical Consciencism and categories of social action and methods of their
creation
4.3.1 Philosophical Consciencism, the People and the Social Decision-Choice Space
4.3.1.1 The General Population Analytics and Different Sovereignties
4.3.1.2 The Population Structure and Characteristic Analytics
4.3.1.3 The Mobilization of the Population under Positive and Negative
Characteristics
4.3.1.4 The Sanctions of Actions within Nonviolence-Violence Duality in
Categorial Conversion of Socio-political Actual-Potential Polarity of
Sovereignty Control
4.3.2 Philosophical Consciencism and Information-Knowledge Requirement for
Categorial Conversion
4.3.2.1 Categories of Social Information Structure, Propaganda and
Categorial Conversion
4.3.2.2 Social Information Structure, Collective Decision-Choice System and
Social Action

CHAPTER 5: PHILOSOPHICAL CONSCIENCISM, LEADERSHIP AND INSTITUTIONS IN CATEGORIAL CONVERSION OF SOCIAL POLARITIES: THE AFRICAN PERSONALITY

5.1 Belief System and Philosophical Consciencism
5.1.1 Social Conscience, African Personality, Social Practice and Philosophical
Conscviencism
5.1.2 Philosophical Consciencism, and Africa’s Needs under Decolonization
5.2 Philosophical Consciencism, Freedom, Justice and Necessity
5.2.1 Philosophical Consciencism, African Leadership and
African Challenges
5.2.2 Philosophical Consciencism, Independence and Cost-Benefit Analysis under
Asantrofi-Anoma Rationality
5.2.3 Philosophical Consciencism, and the African Mind
5.2.4 The African Intelligentsia, the Clergy, African Personality, and Philosophical
Conciencism

CHAPTER 6: PHILOSOPHICAL CONSCIENCISM AND SOCIO-POLITICAL DECISION STRATEGIES FOR CATEGORIAL CONVERSION

6.1. Social Bases for the Analysis of Development Policies under Philosophical Consciencism
6.2 On the Conception of the Theory of Social Progress
6.3 Rational Path of Socioeconomic Policies under African-Centered Philosophical
Consciencism
6.3.1 People, Thought, Rationality and Scientific Reasoning in Social-Decision Space
6.4 Nkrumah’s Domestic Goals and Objectives under Philosophical consciencism
6.5 Decision-choice Rationality and Nkruma’s Policies under Philosophical Consciencism
6.5.1 Political Rationality and Domestic Policies under Philosophical
Consciencism
6.5.2 Legal Rationality and Domestic Policies under Philosophical Consciencism
6.5.3 Economic Rationality and Domestic Policies under Philosophical
Consciencism
6.6 SOME REFLECTIONS

CHAPTER 7: CONTENTS AND CURRICULUM OF AFRICAN STUDIES FOR THE
CONSTRUCT OF AFRICAN-CENTERED PHILOSOPHICAL CONSCIENCISM
DESIGN OF AFRICAN EDUCATION

7.1 The Change of Traditional African Conscience
7.2 Socioeconomic Knowledge, Imperialism, War of Ideas and Independence
7.2.1 Oppression, Liberation and Intentionality of Knowledge Production
7.2.2 The Western Imperial Intentionality, Colonialism and African Enslavement
7.2.3 African Intentionality, Decolonization, Freedom and Emancipation
7.3 Curriculum of African Studies and Art and Science of Thinking
7.4 Contents of Education, Research, Teaching and Learning in African-centered
African studies
7.4.1 Teaching, Learning and Contents of Education,

We should like to state with conviction that psychological warfare has played, and continues to play, a significant role in advancing the strategic interests of the metropole over Africa’s in the past five centuries. It is therefore no secret that tropical dependency and psychological warfare go hand in hand. In fact, Chapter 18 (“The Mechanisms of Neo-Colonialism”) of Nkrumah’s “Neo-colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism” exhumes this fact for public digestion and posterity. Readers will do well to recall that, in one of our previous essays we described how the CIA convinced Haile Selassie to agree to have the Organization of African Unity (OAU) headquartered in Ethiopia, in exchange for his approval of Nkrumah’s continental unification project (see David L. Lewis’ “W.E.B. Du Bois, 1919-1963: The Fight for Equality and the American Century”), even though Nkrumah had told African leaders he wanted the headquarters of the OAU and its General-Secretaryship outside Ghana (see Zizwe Poe’s “Kwame Nkrumah’s Contributions to Pan-Africanism: An Afrocentric Analysis”).

Overall, psychological warfare undermined Nkrumah’s premiership, presidency, policies, and politics, and even played a dominant role in the putschism that ended his progressive government. It also undermined Africa’s forward match towards political unification, scientific and technological development. There is no doubt, therefore, that Prof. Dompere’s scientific works on Nkrumah will go a long way to supplement the intellectual armory Africa needs to better herself and strategically position her in global affairs, to unite the continent in terms of her growth and development, and to fight off the psychological warfare which her external and internal enemies are waging against her. We conclude with a quote from Daurius Figueira (see his book “Tubal Butler of Trinidad and Tobago Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana: The Road to Independence”:

“PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE: INTENSIVE EFFORTS SHOULD BE MADE THROUGH PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE AND OTHER MEANS TO DIMINISH SUPPORT FOR NKRUMAH WITHIN GHANA AND NURTURE THE CONVICTION AMONG THE GHANAIAN PEOPLE THAT THEIR COUNTRY’S WELFARE AND INDEPENDENCE NECESSIATES HIS REMOVAL…DOCUMENT 238 MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION FEBRUARY 12TH 1964. THE SUBJECT OF THE CONVERSATION WAS GHANA AND THE PARTICIPANTS INCLUDED: SIR ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME, PRIME MINISTER OF THE UK AND R.A. BUTLER, SECRETATRY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS. THE PRESIDENT OF THE USA, SECRETARY OF STATE AND GOVERNOR HARIMAN, UNDERSECRETARY OF STATE FOR POLITICAL AFFAIRS WERE PRESENT…”

Figueira concludes: “…IN A MEETING BETWEEN THE POLITICAL LEADERS OF THE US AND THE UK, THE US STATES ITS CASE CLEARLY THAT NKRUMAH IS A THREAT TO MAJOR US INVESTMENT IN GHANA…” “DOCUMENT 260 MEMORANDUM FROM THE PRESIDENT’S ACTING SPECIAL ASSISTANT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS (KOMER) TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON ON MARCH 12TH 1966 STATES: THE COUP IN GHANA IS ANOTHER EXAMPLE OF A FORTUITOUS WINDFALL. NKRUMAH WAS DOING MORE TO UNDERMINE OUR INTERESTS THAN ANY OTHER BLACK AFRICAN!”

Similarly, the Reagan Administration blacklisted Nelson Mandela (the ANC and its leadership) for the same reason. Pres. Reagan argued that Mandela posed a threat to the Nationalist Party of Apartheid South Africa and American interests! So too were Marcus Garvey, Martin Luther King, Jr., WEB Du Bois, Paul Robeson, Malcolm X…

We shall return…